Anand Mahindra, chairperson of Mahindra Group, has shared online a video of a young boy who makes rolls on a roadside food cart.
In the clip, the 10-year-old named Jaspreet, can be seen making an egg roll. On being asked, the boy shared that his father recently died from brain tuberculosis. The boy, who also has a 14-year-old sister, said that their mother has left them, refusing to take responsibility. Despite these challenges, Jaspreet manages to attend school in the morning and runs his food cart in the evenings.
In addition to egg rolls, the young boy also sells chicken rolls, kebab rolls, paneer rolls, chowmein rolls, and seekh kebab rolls.
Sharing the clip, Mr Mahindra asked for the boy's contact details. He wrote, "Courage, thy name is Jaspreet. But his education shouldn't suffer. I believe, he's in Tilak Nagar, Delhi. If anyone has access to his contact number please do share it. The Mahindra foundation team will explore how we can support his education."
Check out the video below:
Courage, thy name is Jaspreet.
But his education shouldn't suffer.
I believe, he's in Tilak Nagar, Delhi. If anyone has access to his contact number please do share it.
The Mahindra foundation team will explore how we can support his education.
Commenting on the post, many people applauded Jaspreet's courage and appreciated Mr Mahindra for his kind gesture.
A user wrote, "He is not giving up... this kid has decided to take up the responsibility & stand up for self...His courage is inspiring which is pushing him (to) stand during odd times...Salute to him... with right guidance in terms of education he will create many milestones..."
He is not giving up.. this kid has decided to take up the responsibility & stand up for self..
His courage is inspiring which is pushing him stand during odd times..
Salute to him.. with right guidance in terms of education he will create many milestones.. #Motivation
“It just made me cry. I really Hope Anand Ji will reach out to this Brave Boy and Help in every Possible Way. You can also raise Crowd Funding to help this Boy. After the Help i want this Boy to Ignore his Mom if she comes back for money,” read a comment.
Its Just made me cry ????
I really Hope Anand Ji will reach out to this Brave Boy and Help in every Possible Way.
You can also raise Crowd Funding to help this Boy.
After the Help i want this Boy to Ignore his Mom if she comes back for money.
It's not the first time Anand Mahindra has extended help to a child. Previously, a young girl heroically saved her little sister from monkeys that had entered their home. Soon after, the business mogul shared a post expressing his admiration and offered her a job at the Mahindra Group when she grows up. Click here to read in detail.
Skin Care: छोटे-छोटे सलेटी रंग के दिखने वाले चिया सीड्स पोषक तत्वों का पावरहाउस होते हैं. इन बीजों में एंटी-ऑक्सीडेंट्स, ओमेगा-3 फैटी एसिड्स, प्रोटीन, कैल्शियम और मैंग्नीज आदि पाए जाते हैं. इन बीजों के फायदे सेहत को ही नहीं बल्कि त्वचा को भी मिलते हैं. चेहरे पर सही तरह से चिया सीड्स (Chia Seeds) का इस्तेमाल किया जाए तो ना सिर्फ त्वचा बेदाग और निखरी हुई बनती है बल्कि स्किन को एंटी-एजिंग गुण भी मिलते हैं. चिया सीड्स स्किन को एक्सफोलिएट करते हैं, मॉइश्चराइज करते हैं और हेल्दी ग्लो देते हैं सो अलग. यहां जानिए झुर्रियां (Wrinkles) कम करने और जवां त्वचा पाने के लिए किस तरह चिया सीड्स के फेस पैक्स बनाकर चेहरे पर लगाए जा सकते हैं.
एंटी-एजिंग गुणों वाले चिया सीड्स के फेस पैक्स | Chia Seeds Anti Aging Face Packs
चिया सीड्स और शहद - इस फेस पैक को बनाने के लिए चिया सीड्स, शहद (Honey) और दही की जरूरत होगी. सबसे पहले चिया सीड्स को पानी में मिक्स करें, जब ये सीड्स फूल जाएं तो अलग कटोरी में रख लें. इन बीजों में शहद और थोड़ा सा दही डालकर पेस्ट तैयार करें. इस पेस्ट को चेहरे पर 15 से 20 मिनट लगाकर रखें और फिर चेहरा धोकर साफ कर लें. स्किन निखर जाती है.
चिया सीड्स और नारियल तेल - चेहरे पर चिया सीड्स और नारियल का तेल मिक्स करके लगाया जा सकता है. इसके लिए दोनों चीजों को मिलाकर गाढ़ा पेस्ट बनाएं. अब चेहरे पर लगाकर 20 मिनट रखें और धोकर हटा लें. इस मिश्रण को फेस स्क्रब की तरह भी लगाया जा सकता है. स्क्रब करने के लिए पहले चेहरे को पानी से गीला करें और फिर इस पेस्ट को चेहरे पर सर्कुलेशन मोशन में घुमाते हुए 2 मिनट मलें और धोकर हटा लें. डेड स्किन सेल्स हटने लगती हैं.
चिया सीड्स और एलोवेरा - इस फेस पैक से स्किन को चिया सीड्स के साथ-साथ एलोवेरा के एंटी-इंफ्लेमेटरी और हाइड्रेटिंग गुण भी मिलते हैं. एक चम्मच भीगे हुए चिया सीड्स में एक चम्मच ही एलोवेरा जैल (Aloe Vera Gel) मिला लें. इसमें एक विटामिन ई कैप्सूल भी डालें. इस फेस पैक को चेहरे पर 20 मिनट लगाकर रखने के बाद धोकर हटा लें. चेहरे से झुर्रियां और फाइन लाइंस कम होने में असर दिखता है.
चिया सीड्स को चेहरे पर लगाने के अलावा इसका डिटॉक्स वॉटर बनाकर भी पिया जा सकता है. इससे शरीर को अंदरूनी रूप से फायदे मिलते हैं और एंटी-एजिंग गुण त्वचा पर दिखने लगते हैं. चिया सीड्स को एक गिलास पानी में मिलाकर पीने पर शरीर से टॉक्सिंस निकलते हैं. इसका असर त्वचा पर भी दिखता है और स्किन बेदाग और जवां बनी रहती है.
अस्वीकरण: सलाह सहित यह सामग्री केवल सामान्य जानकारी प्रदान करती है. यह किसी भी तरह से योग्य चिकित्सा राय का विकल्प नहीं है. अधिक जानकारी के लिए हमेशा किसी विशेषज्ञ या अपने चिकित्सक से परामर्श करें. एनडीटीवी इस जानकारी के लिए ज़िम्मेदारी का दावा नहीं करता है.
Aashiqui: वो फिल्म जिसने गायक, गीतकार, संगीतकार और एक्टर्स को बना दिया Superstar | Bollywood Gold
Sunidhi Chauhan reacted strongly after a bottle was thrown at her at a recent concert at SGRR University in Dehradun. The video was shared by the official Instagram handles of and Rishabh Bhandari and Uttarakhandi Officials. In the video, we can see a bottle being thrown at Sunidhi. As soon as the bottle is thrown to the stage, Sunidhi looks visibly uncomfortable. She can be seen keeping her hands on chest and can be heard saying, "Yeh kya ho raha hai?Bottles phenkne se kya hoga?Yeh batao. Haina? Usse hoga kya?Show ruk jayega (What is happening? What will happen if you throw bottles? Tell me this. Right? What will happen by doing that? The show will stop.) Do you want that?") To this, the audience can be heard saying in unison, "No."
The Internet also expressed its concern in the comments section. A user wrote, "Pure uttarakhand ki tarf se maafi mangta hoon (Apologies on behalf of UttaraKhand)." Another comment read, "No doubt why water bottles are not allowed at shows." Another user wrote, "People are very disrespectful. she's nice that's she doesn't react." Another comment read, "Guys, she is an icon, doing this chappri (poor) things will make your college reputation more worse.. Never such videos before to any artist in any concerts..." Take a look at the video here:
A couple of days ago, Sunidhi and Shreya shared a collab post and shared two epic selfies. In one picture, Shreya and Sunidhi can be seen pouting. In another click, they can be seen smiling for the cameras. Shreya and Sunidhi can be seen wearing over-sized shades in the pictures. Shreya wrote in the caption, "SC SG break the Internet." In the comments section, Sunidhi wrote, "This flight was super fun!!! Love you." Replying to the comment, Shreya wrote, "Mad fun indeed. Love you too SC." Take a look:
Sunidhi Chauhan's list of hits need no introduction but for those who require one, she has sung tracks like Ruki Ruki, Dance Pe Chance, Kamli, Desi Girl, Dhoom Machale,Navrai Majhi, Sheila Ki Jawani,Beedi, Halkat Jawani, among many, many others. She has also featured on several singing reality TV shows as a judge. She had earlier judged two seasons of Indian Idol and The Voice.
Anushka Sharma turned a year older on May 1. On the special occasion, her cricketer-husband Virat Kohli hosted an intimate dinner and it was all things beautiful. Several unseen photos and videos from Anushka's 36th birthday have been doing the rounds on social media. The soirée was a dreamy pink affair. Among the myriads of beautiful elements were the pink-themed table arrangements, adorned with an array of delicate props and embellishments. From fairy lights to pearl-adorned plates, candles, and photo frames with floral imprints, every detail spoke of sophistication and finesse.
The highlight of the evening was the personalised touch evident in every aspect of the decor. Place cards featuring the names of Virat, Anushka and the guests were kept on the table. Not to be outdone, the birthday dinner hosted by Virat Kohli was a culinary delight, with the dining table adorned with exquisite white tulip flowers, beaded mats, candles, and oversized wine glasses.
For her birthday, Anushka Sharma looked stunning in a purple-hued satin shirt adorned with pearls, paired with jeans. She completed her look with soft makeup, open hair, and a black handbag. Virat Kohli, on the other hand, looked handsome in an all-black ensemble.
On Anushka's birthday, Virat Kohli wished her in a special way. He shared a series of unseen pictures with Anushka Sharma. From exploring the streets of London to sharing quiet moments by a lake, the photos featured it all.
Captioning the post on Instagram, Virat wrote, "I would have been completely lost if I didn't find you. Happy birthday my love. You are the light to our world, world. We love you so much."
A leopard was rescued near Hyderabad airport today and it will be released into the wild tomorrow, the Forest Department said.
The Forest Department had launched an operation to catch the leopard after its movement was captured on CCTV cameras installed around near the Rajiv Gandhi International Airport (RGIA) at Shamshabad vicinity.
The forest personnel had also set up cages as part of their operation. The presence of the leopard had triggered panic among residents.
The Forest Department was alerted after the airport staff saw the leopard jumping over the boundary wall of the airport near Gollapalli.
Officials said the leopard has been taken to Nehru Zoological Park where it will be under observation for the next 24 hours.
The leopard will be released in the Nallamala Srisailam Wildlife Forest in Andhra Pradesh tomorrow.
There have been a few instances of leopards straying into areas close to human habitations on the city outskirts. In 2020, a leopard had strayed into the Rajendranagar area and was seen resting in the middle of the road. It was later trapped by the Forest Department.
George Orwell's Animal Farm aptly captures the essence of failed utopias through the famous line, "All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others." The quote encapsulates the irony of a revolution that ends up betraying its original ideals. It is akin to the radical wealth redistribution ideas that have featured prominently in the political discourse in India over the last few days. In theory, wealth redistribution - through mechanisms like progressive taxation or wealth taxes -aims to level societal inequalities by reallocating resources from the affluent to the less wealthy.
However, such policies often fail to eradicate poverty. Instead, these policies spread poverty more evenly across the population, dampening economic incentives and innovation.
Individual Freedom And Economic Freedom
John Locke argued that property rights originate from the labour one invests in natural resources, asserting that any government-enforced redistribution of wealth infringes on such rights by transferring property without consent. Building on Locke, Robert Nozick's 'entitlement theory' from Anarchy, State, and Utopia states that individuals have a right to property acquired through just means - just acquisition, just transfer, and rectification of injustices. Nozick opposed redistributive policies as being violations of these rights.
Economists Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman linked individual freedom to economic freedom, arguing that government-imposed economic outcomes limit personal and economic liberties. Hayek criticised redistributive policies for not addressing the underlying causes of poverty and creating inefficiencies, while Friedman viewed any economic interference as a curtailment of personal freedom. Both advocated for minimal state intervention in order to preserve liberty and encourage economic efficiency.
In India, the discourse around wealth distribution, specifically the pitch to reintroduce an inheritance tax, has gained traction this election season. Historically, an inheritance or a death tax was positioned as a tool to reduce inequality. However, it often adversely affected the very people it aimed to support: the middle class and the poor.
The History Of Inheritance Tax
The idea of an inheritance tax is not new to India. The country had such an instrument from the 1950s well up to 1985, when it was abolished on the ground that it led to procedural harassment of a large number of taxpayers against a negligible revenue gain. The levy started for properties worth at least Rs 1 lakh, with a rate of 7.5%. However, the tax was unpopular among people as estate duty rates were as high as 85% on properties whose value exceeded Rs 20 lakh. An audit revealed that the estate tax collection was a negligible percentage of the total direct tax collected by the Centre.
In 1984-85, the total tax collected under the Estate Duty Act was Rs 20 crore, but the cost of collection was very high because the complex calculation structure required a lot of litigation. Former Prime Minister V.P. Singh, who was the finance minister in Rajiv Gandhi's Cabinet, said in his budget speech, "While the yield from estate duty is only about Rs. 20 crore, its cost of administration is relatively high. I, therefore, propose to abolish the levy of estate duty in respect of estates passing on deaths occurring on or after 16 March 1985."
'Material Resources'
Advocates of wealth redistribution in India frequently refer to Articles 39(b) & (c) of the Indian Constitution. Article 39(b) mandates that the ownership and management of a community's material resources be distributed in a manner that optimally promotes the common good. Similarly, Article 39(c) aims to ensure that the functioning of the economic system does not lead to wealth and means of production being concentrated in a way that is detrimental to the general public. However, both articles are part of the Directive Principles of State Policy within the Constitution and are thus not enforceable.
The interpretation of the two articles, particularly the scope of "material resources of the community", has been a subject of intense legal debate. A critical examination of key judicial decisions illustrates that this term should not be construed to include privately owned resources, contrary to the broader interpretation given by Justice Krishna Iyer in State of Karnataka vs. Shri Ranganatha Reddy (1977). In that case, Justice Iyer posited that "material resources of the community" encompassed all public and private resources. However, this interpretation was not adopted by the other judges on the Bench and they explicitly distanced themselves from Justice Iyer's expansive view.
Legal Uncertainty Persists
Further developments in the judicial interpretation of Article 39(b) appeared in Sanjeev Coke Manufacturing Company v. Bharat Coking Coal Ltd. (1982) and Mafatlal Industries Ltd. v. Union of India (1996). Though these confirmed Justice Iyer's definition, they could not conclusively settle the debate. The contention resurfaced in Property Owners Association v. State of Maharashtra (2002), where a seven-judge Bench of the Supreme Court pointed to difficulties with the broad interpretation that private property falls under "material resources of the community". This led to a referral to a nine-judge Bench for a definitive ruling.
The persisting legal uncertainty underscores the necessity of adhering to a principled interpretation that articles 39 (b) and 39 (c) should guide state policy only in relation to community-owned resources, and that they should influence only the distribution - not the collection - of assets. The intent - as debated in the Constituent Assembly and evidenced by B.R. Ambedkar's rejection of K.T. Shah's proposal to change "material resources" to "natural resources" (Constituent Assembly Debates, November 15, 1948) - was never to extend state control over private property without constitutional safeguards.
Thus, Article 39, read with Article 31(C), should not provide unrestricted power to nationalise private property but should allow nationalisation only as a reasonable restriction under Part III of the Constitution, focusing on the subsequent distribution of assets. This approach not only aligns with constitutional safeguards like Articles 14, 19, and 21, but also respects the property rights of individuals, ensuring that the state's actions genuinely serve the common good and do not pave the way for an overreaching, illiberal regime.
Inheritance Is More Than Material Assets
Finally, the idea of wealth redistribution, especially in the context of inheritance, opens a deep philosophical debate about the balance between individual rights and collective welfare. Inheritance is not merely about the transfer of assets; it's the transfer of a legacy, opportunities, and socioeconomic status from one generation to another. Some may see this transmission as a critical factor in perpetuating inequality, and in many cases, it is. The idea can extend beyond physical and financial assets to include education, cultural capital, and social networks, all of which contribute significantly to an individual's prospects. If we take the argument of redistributing inherited wealth to its logical extreme, it implies a radical disconnection between family lineage and a child's economic future. This notion aligns with the extreme communist ideology that the state is the ultimate arbiter and caretaker of all children, aiming to neutralise the unequal starting points by assuming control over the upbringing and resource allocation for every child.
Calls for wealth redistribution surface often during election cycles, with candidates presenting it as a panacea for all societal inequalities. The approach, however, overlooks the inherent inefficiencies and indirect consequences of such policies. Wealth redistribution, especially in the context of inheritance, challenges the foundational social structures related to family and intergenerational bonds and raises questions about the idea's effectiveness in achieving genuine equality.
Wealth Redistribution Can Stifle Productivity
The inefficiency of redistribution policies is embedded in their potential to stifle economic productivity and innovation. When individuals feel that their personal efforts and the wealth they might wish to pass on to their children could be stripped away, the drive to accumulate resources may diminish, potentially leading to a stagnation in economic dynamism.
Moreover, the concept ignores the complex nature of non-material inheritances, such as education, values, and cultural identity, which are crucial in shaping an individual's capabilities and worldview. The focus on redistributing merely material wealth overlooks the broader aspect of social capital, which must be equitably redistributed through legislation or state intervention without encroaching upon personal freedoms and responsibilities.
Preserving Individual Identity
Philosophically, as John Rawls's 'Veil of Ignorance' suggests, while society should aim to build a structure that offers fairness and equality of opportunity, it must also recognise the limitations imposed by practical and ethical constraints. Severing deep-seated family bonds and homogenising the starting conditions for all, as some radical redistributive approaches propose, may erode social cohesion and individual identity, both of which are fundamental to a functioning society.
In essence, while political manifestos often present wealth redistribution as a straightforward solution to inequality, the idea is not only inefficient but also fraught with ethical dilemmas and practical challenges. Such simplistic proposals appeal to populist sentiments without addressing the root causes of inequality. A more nuanced strategy would involve enhancing access to opportunities through education and economic reforms, which respect both individual liberties and the importance of familial relationships. That is a balanced approach to addressing inequality.
(Bibek Debroy is Chairman of the Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister, and Aditya Sinha, is an Officer on Special Duty, Research, in the Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister)
Disclaimer: These are the personal views of the authors
Sanjay Leela Bhansali's first web series, an artful and overwrought female-led period drama, is crammed with everything that the director's big-screen ventures are known for. It has massive and lavish sets, visual grandeur, intense emotions, stylistic flamboyance, sustained musicality and striking performances. Is there more? Yes, there is.
Heeramandi: The Diamond Bazaar reimagines 1940s Lahore and its red-light district in a manner far less intent on accuracy of detailing than on the overall effect of the enterprise. The show has passages of effulgent beauty. It also occasionally slides into tonally static, cinematically sterile stretches. But in the ultimate analysis, its strengths far outnumber its downsides.
Bhansali is the creator, co-writer (with Vibhu Puri), editor and music director of the extravagant eight-episode Netflix show that economizes on nothing at all. It is filmed all the way like the widescreen spectacle that it is intended to be.
Based on an original concept by Moin Beg, Heeramandi: The Diamond Bazaar places the daily struggles of the fabled but exploited courtesans of Lahore alongside a rapidly escalating war for independence waged by a band of underground rebels.
Bhansali tempers his maximalist methods with restraint. The series is a celebration of as well as a lament for a house of spirited courtesans yearning for dignity and liberty in the tumultuous final years of the British Raj, an era marked by the rapidly declining clout of the nawabs who were the chief patrons of the nautch girls of Heeramandi.
Bhansali draws the very best out of the six principal members of the cast - Manisha Koirala, Sonakshi Sinha, Aditi Rao Hydari, Richa Chadha, Sanjeeda Sheikh and Sharmin Segal.
Manisha Koirala, returning to a Bhansali project 28 years after Khamoshi: The Musical, Sonakshi Sinha, coming off the triumph of Dahaad, embody two feisty women who denote the two principal poles of the a battle to control Heeramandi.
But it is Aditi Rao Hydari, cast as an epitome of sedate grace and refinement, who gets a wider emotional spectrum to straddle. Sharmin Segal, playing an innocent but gifted young woman who wants to escape her destiny, has her moments, as does Sanjeeda Sheikh as a scarred woman at the receiving end of the bitter power struggle between forces much stronger than her.
Bhansali is just as impressive in the way he harnesses the potential of the supporting actresses - notably Farida Jalal, Nivedita Bhargava, Jayati Bhatia and Shruti Sharma - to conjure up a sophisticated, if self-consciously stylised, portrait of a tumultuous time and a unique culture trapped caught in a maelstrom triggered by the vagaries of history and the myopia of self-serving men.
The male cast - the actors play marginal figures who call the shots in the lives of the courtesans or control the law-and-order machinery in the city - is far less effective. It includes Fardeen Khan, making a comeback after a 14-year hiatus, and Shekhar Suman, who, too, has been missing from the screen for years.
The roles that Khan and Suman play - nawabs who have the tawaifs of Heeramandi as mistresses in a give-and-take relationship teetering on the edge of desire and distrust - are peripheral to the larger drama.
Three other male actors - Taha Shah, playing a well-connected and strategically pliant aristocrat's London-returned son who rebels against his father and the British, Jason Shah as a brutal British police officer and Indresh Malik as a foppish, wily mediator between the nautch girls and their fickle benefactors - are accorded greater play. They make the most of it.
One of Heeramandi's patrons (played by Adhyayan Suman, who is also cast as the younger avatar of the character essayed by Shekhar Suman), demonstrates that the attention and riches that a debauched nawab showers on a tawaif, Lajjo (Richa Chadha), are not permanent. They are part of an easy to violate Faustian contract.
It isn't just devious outsiders who cause misery. The nautch girls themselves are equally capable of inflicting pain on each other with bursts of envy and acts of betrayal that stem from the need for acceptance and self-assertion. The Heeramandi courtesans are a closely-knit community - most of them are related by blood - but that does not stop them from ceaselessly exchanging verbal and psychological barbs.
The series plays out predominantly in two mansions that stand opposite each other in the disreputable neighbourhood frequented by the powerful and the wealthy. One is Shahi Mahal (which translates to royal palace), where a seasoned Mallikajaan (Manisha Koirala) is the undisputed queen.
The other, Khwabgah (meaning "house of dreams"), is a much-coveted mansion into which the younger Fareedan (Sonakshi Sinha) moves after relocating from Benaras. Fareedan, the only daughter of Mallika's dead elder sister, has a score to settle with the denizens of Shahi Mahal.
Delusions of royalty and the lure of dreams sustain Mallikajaan and her likes. Dreams, as one of the women says, is their worst enemy. We can only see them but never realise them, she adds. It is the courtesans' perennial oscillation between hope and despair that lies at the core of the drama of their unstable lives.
Heeramandi: The Diamond Bazaar sustains its spotlight on the women even as it liberally sprinkles its sweeping, overflowing canvas with intimate moments of love, jealousy, deceit and rebellion and with unfolding processions, street clashes and cases of custodial torture that leave a trail of blood and unspeakable horrors.
At once seductive and sad, poignant and prevailing, the tawaifs dwell in the heart of Lahore but are doomed to languish as dispensable objects of fancy on the fringes of a society controlled by nawabs on the brink of oblivion and ruthless British officials desperately clinging on to their authority on an increasingly restless colonised people.
The dice is loaded against the courtesans, but they are the ones who emotionally control the moneyed men on whom they depend for their upkeep. But how long can they protect their shaky turf and keep the nawabs in their thrall?
As the rumblings of the swadeshi movement spill into Heeramandi - Bibbojaan (Aditi Rao Hydari) and Alamzeb (Sharmin Segal), Mallika's two daughters, are drawn into the freedom struggle, one directly, the other inadvertently - the courtesans are caught in a cleft stick. They can either side with the nawabs who lack the courage to resist the British or throw their lot with the freedom fighters.
The ornately mounted Heeramandi might at first flush appear to be a conventional SLB endeavour. It presses pretty images couched in music and poetry into the service of an account of an obscure and fictionalised chapter of the subcontinent's history. That it does so with consistent competence is only to be expected.
The cinematography is credited to four DoPs - Bhansali's frequent collaborator Sudeep Chatterjee along with Mahesh Limaye, Huenstang Mohapatra and Ragul Dharuman - and the production design is by Subrata Chakraborty and Amit Ray. Both teams of technicians make flawless contributions to the show.
There is, however, more to the series than the blindingly, and distractingly, sumptuous means that Bhansali employs. There is a significant takeaway from the way Heeramandi: The Diamond Bazaar frames the fight for India's independence as a movement that defied the Crown's divide and rule policy.
Hindus and Muslims walk shoulder to shoulder as they plot strikes against the British. Religious identities do not divide the fighters. Their commitment to azaadi unites them. In the climate that obtains in today's India, the espousal of the subcontinent's entrenched syncretism is a noteworthy thematic strand that should not be lost in the hypnotic glow of the glitzy Heeramandi universe that Bhansali conjures up.
Heeramandi: The Diamond Bazaar isn't all pomp and show. Both nostalgic and elegiac, it contains a core that is worth more than all the glitter and glory of its packaging.
